The range of their actions was different, largely because the opportunity structure was different. Crucial insiders, especially in the early years, initiated litigation. They could not be the attorneys of record, but they could identify areas for action, refer plaintiffs and write the briefs. A lot of the early court decisions interpreting employment discrimination law were shaped by feminists inside the government who had to stay in the shadows because of their jobs.
Many also participated in feminist marches, though not in "zap actions" or guerilla theater. Occasionally government appointees were speakers at the rallies. At other times insider feminists arranged to have protests directed at their own agencies when they thought it necessary. Working for the federal government was not a serious detriment to protest, at least as private persons.
The insider feminists worked on many issues besides employment discrimination though that received the bulk of their attention. Banaszak identifies educational equity, development, childcare, abortion and violence against women as the major arenas. She provides a of couple quick case studies to show how they did it.
Most of these goals were achieved before Reagan became President in 1981 — under administrations that were supportive or at least benign. While the conservatives did toss many insider feminists out of the government and limit what others could do, Banaszak shows that opportunities for action still existed even in a hostile environment.
A great deal depended on where feminists were located in the bureaucracy and who were their supervisors. Basically, they slipped back under the radar, becoming moles more like the early 1960s feminist insiders. In that capacity they could still feed information where it could do the most good, award grants and improve policies around the edges. Banaszak concludes that the sympathy of the Administration matters, but not as much as scholars have said it does. Insider feminists were quite creative in slipping through the cracks.
What Banaszak learned about the interaction between movement and the state is applicable to other social movements, though not all start with so many well-placed insiders who only needed a little push to act. In looking at how insider movement participants can affect crucial decisions, location within the state, timing, representation, and formalization are all significant. The opportunity structure for insiders varies, as do the connections between insiders and outsiders. In short, more case studies similar to the one in this book will illuminate how the "prongs" of insider and outsider action can use the state to make significant change.
In the meantime, anyone interested in how to make change from within would do well to read this book.
Many also participated in feminist marches, though not in "zap actions" or guerilla theater. Occasionally government appointees were speakers at the rallies. At other times insider feminists arranged to have protests directed at their own agencies when they thought it necessary. Working for the federal government was not a serious detriment to protest, at least as private persons.
The insider feminists worked on many issues besides employment discrimination though that received the bulk of their attention. Banaszak identifies educational equity, development, childcare, abortion and violence against women as the major arenas. She provides a of couple quick case studies to show how they did it.
Most of these goals were achieved before Reagan became President in 1981 — under administrations that were supportive or at least benign. While the conservatives did toss many insider feminists out of the government and limit what others could do, Banaszak shows that opportunities for action still existed even in a hostile environment.
A great deal depended on where feminists were located in the bureaucracy and who were their supervisors. Basically, they slipped back under the radar, becoming moles more like the early 1960s feminist insiders. In that capacity they could still feed information where it could do the most good, award grants and improve policies around the edges. Banaszak concludes that the sympathy of the Administration matters, but not as much as scholars have said it does. Insider feminists were quite creative in slipping through the cracks.
What Banaszak learned about the interaction between movement and the state is applicable to other social movements, though not all start with so many well-placed insiders who only needed a little push to act. In looking at how insider movement participants can affect crucial decisions, location within the state, timing, representation, and formalization are all significant. The opportunity structure for insiders varies, as do the connections between insiders and outsiders. In short, more case studies similar to the one in this book will illuminate how the "prongs" of insider and outsider action can use the state to make significant change.
In the meantime, anyone interested in how to make change from within would do well to read this book.
©2010 Jo Freeman for SeniorWomenWeb
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